US Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald and several of his assistants are under Congressional Investigation for allegedly manufacturing evidence and forcing witnesses to lie. One of the Assistants named in the Congressional investigation is Assistant US Attorney William Hogan who is prosecuting Hal Turner over an Editorial written last year.
One corrupt aspect of the Turner case that may interest Congress has to do with concealing of evidence by the government. A “blanket letter of declination” was issued by the New Jersey United States Attorney’s office which said the government would not prosecute Hal Turner for anything on his radio show or web site. Instead of honoring that letter, the US Attorney from Chicago circumvented the New Jersey US Attorney’s Office and brought a prosecution against Turner in Chicago. Even worse, when Turner’s defense lawyers found out that the Blanket Letter of Declination existed, they subpoenaed it, but the US Attorney from Chicago asked the court to CONCEAL that letter from the Jury!
Sadly, the court agreed to CONCEAL THE EVIDENCE, saying the letter was “attorney work product” and could not be used by Turner’s defense lawyers. This is yet another example of the deceitful tactics being employed by the US Attorney in Chicago in his politically-correct witch hunt against radio host and blogger Hal Turner.
Below, you can read about other shenanigans being undertaken by the US Attorney in Chicago which seem to prove that the entire office out there is little more than a den of vipers. Details below.
Original story located at: http://www.prnewschannel.com/absolutenm/templates/?z=4&a=1978
(PRNewsChannel) / Washington, D.C. / In an apparent expansion of a four-year
congressional investigation of United States Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois Patrick Fitzgerald's office, a U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee will call witnesses today to determine if the prosecutor's office manufactured evidence and forced witnesses to lie to obtain a 2003 conviction of a then prominent Chicago real estate developer and attorney.
After his trial and conviction, Peter Palivos, 51, presented the committee with evidence showing that prosecutors forced witnesses to lie against him or face charges themselves.
"They wanted to frame me to get me to become a witness against George Ryan, but I have nothing incriminating to say against the man," Palivos said in Oct. 2005 (http://cbs2chicago.com/topstories/Peter.Palivos.2.321955.html).
After hearing the evidence, which includes sworn affidavits from witnesses who say there were forced to lie about Mr. Palivos, three separate House Judiciary Subcommittees asked the U.S. Justice Department to investigate "possible prosecutorial misconduct" by Fitzgerald's office.
Though the investigation has apparently been ongoing for nearly four years, this is the first time it has become public.
The committee's investigation is seeking to discover the scope of wrongdoing involved after failing to get satisfactory replies from the U.S. Dept. of Justice, which committee members believe should have followed up on its discoveries.
WHO IS U.S. ATTORNEY PATRICK FITZGERALD?
Besides being the current United States Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, Fitzgerald is also a member of the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Special Counsel.
He was the federal prosecutor in charge of the investigation of the Valerie Plame affair, which led to the prosecution and conviction of Scooter Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney's chief of staff.
He has also been involved in high-profile cases, including former Ill. Gov. George Ryan and several aides to Chicago Mayor Richard Daley. His office is currently investigating an alleged plot to sell Barack Obama's vacated U.S. Senate seat to the highest bidder, which led to the arrest of Ill. Gov. Rod Blagojevich on December 9, 2008--one year ago yesterday--and to his impeachment a few months later.
Gov. Blagojevich has steadfastly proclaimed his innocence.
Antoin "Tony" Rezko, a former campaign contributor to President Obama, convicted in 2008 of fraud and bribery, wrote a letter to his sentencing judge saying Fitzgerald and his prosecutors were pressuring him to lie against then Sen. Barack Obama and Gov. Blagojevich when neither was involved in wrongdoing. (Rezko letter)
Blagojevich's former fundraiser, Chris Kelly, committed suicide after admitting to bribery in an unrelated case to obtain government contracts. Before his death, Kelly suggested he was being squeezed by Fitzgerald's office, suggesting that prosecutors were pressuring him to cooperate with their investigation of Blagojevich, which he refused to do.
SCOPE OF U.S. HOUSE JUDICIARY INVESTIGATION
The U.S. House Judiciary Committee, which has the oversight and authority to investigate the judiciary branch of the U.S. government, began examining the Palivos case nearly four years ago.
Palivos alleges that he was convicted on a concocted obstruction of justice charge after he refused to lie for prosecutors in their investigation of former Ill. Gov. George Ryan, who is serving time in federal prison on corruption charges.
Palivos says he was told by federal agent Thomas Heinzer that he would be 'framed with that crime' unless he cooperated in the office's investigation. When he did not, he was subsequently indicted and convicted.
"For my honesty I earned the wrath of U.S. Attorney Fitzgerald’s office. That office proceeded to create an obstruction of justice crime against me by bullying witnesses and defense attorneys and they even manufactured evidence. These prosecutorial misconduct methods succeeded in wrongfully indicting, convicting and imprisoning me."
Following Palivos' trial, witnesses gave the House Judiciary Committee sworn affidavits “stating that they were forced to lie and the prosecutors on the case engaged in misconduct” in his case, prompting the committee to expand its investigation.
The documents the committee received also contained evidence, which appeared to show federal prosecutors prepared a false affidavit, falsified interview statements, threatened a defense attorney with a trumped-up obstruction of justice charge if he filed a motion, suborned perjury and withheld exculpatory evidence that would have prevented the imprisonment of an innocent man--Mr. Palivos.
On March 30, 2009 the Chairman of the Subcommittee on the Courts and Competition Policy, U.S. Congressman Hank Johnson in a letter regarding Mr. Palivos' case, wrote, "It appears his case is a good example of prosecutorial misconduct." (Misconduct suspected)
On May 7, 2009 the House Judiciary Chairman John Conyers and Subcommittee Chairman Johnson wrote a joint letter to Attorney General Holder requesting a “fresh examination” of Mr. Palivos’ case and for the DOJ to produce six federal prosecutors and agents for interviews: Asst. U.S. Attorney Patrick Collins, Small Business Administration Agent Thomas Heinzer, AUSA William Hogan, AUSA Marsha McClellan, AUSA Pierre Talbert and former AUSA Eric Wilson.
The U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee on Courts and Competition hearing is scheduled for 1:00 PM in the Rayburn House Office Building, Room 2237 on Thursday, December 10, 2009.
House Judiciary's web site: http://judiciary.house.gov Phone: 202-225-3951.
TIMELINE:
October 23, 2007: Peter Palivos case mentioned by HJC Subcommittee as warranting "additional scrutiny and committee action." (Palivos case warrants action)
January 16, 2008: Letter to DOJ written by HJC Chairman John Conyers and Congressman Bobby Scott, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security. (Conyers to DOJ letter)
February 29, 2008: DOJ responds with letter to Chairman Conyers. (DOJ response)
March 30, 2009: HJC Subcommittee Chairman Hank Johnson concludes misconduct occurred in Palivos case. (Misconduct suspected)
May 7, 2009: HJC Chairmen Conyers and Johnson write letter to Attorney General Holder requesting a “fresh examination” of Mr. Palivos’ case. (Chairmen letter to Holder)
July 10, 2009: Assistant Attorney General Weich writes DOJ response with similar language from previous letters seemingly disregarding a ‘fresh examination’ of the case. (AAG Weich response)
Dec. 10, 2009: Hearing before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Courts and Competition. Chairman Johnson is expected to mention the Palivos case and Mr. Palivos and his wife, Vicky, will sit in the front row for the hearing. However, the hearing today is about judicial recusals, not prosecutorial misconduct or U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald.
Media Contacts:
Glenn Selig
PR firm: The Publicity Agency
Email: glenn@thepublicityagency.com
Phone: (813) 300-5454
Web: www.thepublicityagency.com
Justin Herndon
PR firm: The Publicity Agency
Email: justin@thepublicityagency.com
Phone: (813) 708-1220 x7778 or (813) 528-6815
Web: www.thepublicityagency.com
Patrick Flanary
PR firm: The Publicity Agency
Email: pflanary@seligmultimedia.com
Phone: (813) 708-1220 x7781
Web: www.thepublicityagency.com
Source: thepublicityagency.com
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Friday, April 23, 2010
Intelligence Report, Spring 2010, Issue Number: 137
Threats and Punishment
By Sonia ScherrOn March 22, 2007, Jennifer Petsche arrived home from her job at Citibank around 4:30 p.m. and began cooking dinner. When the phone rang, she let the answering machine pick up. As she listened to the message, her ordinary day turned into something very different.
“I was astonished,” she later recalled. “In my 14 years at Citibank, I had never had a card member call me at home.”
The man on the line calmly informed her that he was Bill White, that he wanted to talk to her, and that he had sent her an E-mail. Earlier that day, the same man had left her a message on her voicemail at work insisting that he speak with her, even though she was not involved in a credit card dispute between White and Citibank. After receiving the second message at home, Petsche was sufficiently alarmed that she called her husband and notified a night supervisor at Citibank. She slept poorly that night, wondering about the contents of the E-mail.
 Bill White |
When she got to work at Citibank’s Kansas City, Mo., office around 7:30 the next morning, the E-mail was in her inbox. It contained her current and prior addresses, including the location of her parents’ home. White compared Petsche to Chicago judge Joan Lefkow and provided a Web link to information about the 2005 murder of Lefkow’s mother and husband in their home after a neo-Nazi posted Lefkow’s home address on the Web. “I must admit I have run out of patience with you and your smug attitude,” he wrote. “I hope the fact that I’ve obviously paid someone to find you conveys the seriousness with which I take your current attitude.”
What White failed to anticipate is that authorities would take him seriously. He was found guilty by a federal jury in Roanoke, Va., last December of threatening several people, including Petsche. His convictions followed the mistrial in Brooklyn, N.Y., 11 days earlier of Hal Turner, a blogger and Internet radio host from New Jersey, who’d been charged with threatening over the Internet to assault and murder three federal judges in Chicago. The arrests of Turner and White shut down their blogs, forced Turner off the air, and obliterated White’s neo-Nazi organization, the American National Socialist Workers Party, which in 2008 had 35 chapters in 28 states. Writing from jail shortly before his trial began, White lamented that “the federal government has launched a massive effort to ‘decapitate’ white organizations.”
But the implications of these high-profile cases go beyond the crippling effect on the defendants’ hate activities. White supremacists increasingly have been using the Internet to broadcast their views and to reach potential followers. For years, White and Turner have been among the loudest voices of bigotry in cyberspace, regularly posting people’s personal information and suggesting they should be harmed. Their trials show that while the border separating ugly but legal hate speech from criminal threats isn’t well defined, there are limits to what can be said even in the still new and largely unregulated realm of the Internet.
“We live in a world where rhetoric is increasingly tilting toward violence, where extremists are becoming adept at going up to the line but not crossing it,” said Brian Levin, a lawyer who directs the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino. “The law is struggling to untangle protected hate speech from unprotected violence and threats, which often come in the same package. These trials put hate-mongers on notice: If they target their venom too narrowly, too violently and too explicitly, they run the risk of crossing from political discourse to prison.”
Testing the Limits
 Hal Turner |
Long before they faced charges in connection with their words, Bill White, 32, and Hal Turner, 47, regularly tested the bounds of free speech. In 1996, while a student at the University of Maryland, White became one of the first people to use the Internet to harass his enemies when he posted the phone number of a woman he believed was abusing her teenage daughter. “You should be able to write what you want on the Internet, whether it’s true or not,” he told The Washington Post at the time.
Though he was then a fan of Malcolm X, White’s unusual political trajectory eventually took him from left-wing anarchist to neo-Nazi. He founded and led the American National Socialist Workers Party and, until his arrest in October 2008, ran Overthrow.com, one of the best-read websites on the neo-Nazi scene. In September 2007, he used his website to broadcast the home addresses and phone numbers of five of the six black teenagers who faced harsh criminal penalties after a schoolyard fight in Jena, La. “Lynch the Jena 6!” he proclaimed in a headline on the website, adding the suggestion that his readers “get in touch and let them know justice is coming.” As a result, the governor provided the teens’ families with police protection.
In 2004, White began his self-described “ghetto beautification project,” buying distressed properties in a poor neighborhood of Roanoke, Va. He frequently maligned his tenants, writing about their alleged drug use, criminal records and prostitution. Among the names he used for African Americans were “niggers,” “nig-rats” and “vermin.” One lawyer who represented four of White’s renters in court battles told the Intelligence Report that White published falsehoods about his tenants in order to intimidate them.
Turner also has a lengthy history of slandering his enemies and even suggesting they should be killed. In 2007, he railed against then President George W. Bush, saying that “a well-placed bullet can solve a lot of problems.” He has written that “we need to start SHOOTING AND KILLING Mexicans as they cross the border.” In a case that’s still pending, he was charged last June with inciting violence after he posted a blog entry that encouraged followers to take up arms against two Connecticut lawmakers. He was upset about a bill that would have given more power to the laity in the Roman Catholic Church.
Unlike White, however, Turner was a paid FBI informant for several years, beginning in June 2003. This magazine’s blog publicized Turner’s informant status in January 2008, shortly after unidentified hackers posted E-mail correspondence between Turner and an FBI agent in the forum of Turner’s website for his radio program, “The Hal Turner Show.” The article quoted several experts in police procedure who sharply criticized the FBI’s use of an informant who regularly encouraged his followers to commit violence.
New details that emerged during the trial revealed the extent of Turner’s FBI involvement. Despite repeatedly targeting public figures on his website, he received thousands of dollars from the FBI for intelligence on white supremacist organizations such as the Aryan Nations and National Alliance. According to an April 2006 report from U.S. Capitol Police in Turner’s court file, Special Agent Stephen Haug, Turner’s FBI handler, told his colleagues “that Turner quotes the constitution better than most lawyers and knows where the line is and knows not to cross it.” The report continued: “S/A Haug is continuously monitoring Turner and said that Turner is all talk and no action. Turner is an ego maniac and loves it when police officials contact him.”
The FBI even paid for his plane ticket when he flew to Brazil to court a potential National Alliance donor. According to court documents, the trip allowed Turner to identify 12 people of interest to the FBI, including an Arab who talked about doing business with Turner in order to provide supplies to Iraqi insurgents.
Known by his FBI code name of Valhalla, Turner was considered a reliable informant who gave potentially life-saving information. An FBI memo dated Nov. 12, 2007, requested permission to again use Turner as an informant, three months after the FBI had severed its relationship with him because of “serious control problems.” The memo, filed in federal court, stated that Turner had provided information that prevented more than 10 acts of violence and led to multiple arrests. “Writer considers the re-opening of the above referenced CHS [confidential human source] as a critical step to the prevention of domestic terrorism and lone wolf actions inside the United States,” the memo stated. (Trial testimony suggested that Turner did not resume work as an informant; the FBI wouldn’t comment, citing its policy of not releasing information about informants.)
According to the November 2007 memo, the agency had dropped Turner because he was ignoring his handlers’ instructions to cease making indirect violent threats and to stop organizing large-scale public rallies. “These rallies drew national media attention and required significant local resources in terms of event security,” the memo said. Indeed, as Turner’s trial got under way, the mayor of Kingston, N.Y., demanded that the FBI reimburse his city $80,000 to cover the cost of police overtime and other expenses associated with Turner’s November 2005 rally there.
‘True Threats’ and the Law
What finally landed Turner in U.S. District Court in Brooklyn were his blog entries blasting a June 2, 2009, decision by the 7th U.S. Circuit of Appeals in Chicago that essentially upheld local handgun bans. He wrote that Chief Judge Frank Easterbrook and Judges Richard Posner and William Bauer “deserve to be killed” and posted their photographs, work locations, and a photograph of their courthouse that was modified to show the locations of “anti-truck bomb barriers.” According to statements one juror made to the press, government prosecutors failed to persuade most jurors, who voted 9-3 for Turner’s acquittal. With the jury deadlocked, Judge Donald Walter declared a mistrial on Dec. 7 and scheduled a new trial for March 1.
Like Turner, White posted on his blog personal information about his perceived enemies, including home phone numbers and addresses, along with threatening language. On Dec. 18, a federal jury in Roanoke convicted him of threatening Petsche, as well as a university administrator and a human rights lawyer, and of intimidating tenants in Virginia Beach who had filed a lawsuit against their landlord. In February, U.S. District Judge James Turk dismissed the charge of threatening the human rights lawyer, but upheld the other portion of the jury’s verdict. White was acquitted of threatening Pulitzer Prize-winning columnist Leonard Pitts and a former New Jersey mayor, and of threatening Petsche with the intent to extort. White’s sentencing has been set for April 14.
The key question in both the White and Turner proceedings was whether the defendants’ statements amounted to criminal threats or only to fiery rhetoric, which is constitutionally protected. “That’s the line that courts struggle with in these cases,” said Larry Rosenthal, a professor at Chapman University School of Law School in Orange, Calif.
(Lawyers for both sides in the White case declined to comment, while lawyers in Turner’s federal case are under a gag order while Turner is awaiting retrial.)
The Supreme Court has addressed the nature of “true threats” in a number of cases. In Watts v. the United States, for instance, the Court reversed Robert Watts’ felony conviction for threatening the president at a Vietnam War protest in Washington D.C. After implying that he intended to dodge the draft, Watts allegedly said, “If they ever make me carry a rifle, the first man I want to get in my sights is L.B.J. They are not going to make me kill my black brothers.” The Court stated that his words were hyperbole, aimed at making a political point, rather than a true threat to assassinate the president. In Virginia v. Black, on the other hand, the Court upheld a Virginia state law that prohibited cross burning with the intent to intimidate. The Court stated that intimidation constitutes a type of true threat, which it defined as “a speaker direct[ing] a threat to a person or group of persons with the intent of placing the victim in fear of bodily harm or death.”
Despite these Supreme Court opinions, there is still ambiguity in true threat case law, said Robert O’Neil, director of The Jefferson Center for the Protection of Free Speech. Some lower courts require that the speaker intend to threaten the victim (though not necessarily intend to carry out the threat); others look at whether a “reasonable person” would find a statement threatening regardless of whether the speaker intended it that way.
Ultimately, “it comes down to the content of the words and the context in which they were said,” explained Christina Wells, a professor at the University of Missouri School of Law.
For instance, a statement might be viewed as more of a threat when it’s made in person rather than during a long-distance phone call or over the Internet, or when it’s addressed to a specific person rather than to a general audience. In fact, those kinds of considerations — along with Turner’s past history as an FBI informant, which allowed the defense to argue that Turner had been betrayed by the government that encouraged his heated rhetoric — may explain the different outcomes in the Turner and White cases. Turner’s rants against the judges were confined to his website, whereas White also vilified and harassed his targets directly through personal E-mails, phone calls and mailings. “Once someone gets contacted, you’ve really invaded someone’s personal space, and all of these people were reasonably frightened for their safety,” Wells said. “The more specific and the more personal statements are, the easier it is for a judge or jury to say, ‘You don’t get to do that.’ White really went after these people individually, and that’s where I think the difference is. I can’t see this getting overturned on appeal, quite frankly.”
On the other hand, Wells said, the newness of the Internet affects how people may perceive threats. Though anonymous threats aren’t unique to the Web, she said, “The medium really seems to scare people. It may be because the anonymity seems so mysterious and untraceable — and it can be. It may also be that you have so little sense of whether the threat is real; is the person nearby or across the world? It can be very disorienting.”
In addition, the Internet is unique in the way it allows users to propagate information, Wells said. For instance, personal data that’s posted online is capable of reaching a larger audience and therefore may feel more threatening to the victim, who doesn’t know if a reader will decide to take action. “It’s the lack of control and the wide dissemination of the information that changes the perception of the threatening nature,” she said. “It seems somehow more threatening to people than a person simply holding a sign on a street corner with personal information. I’m not sure that the fact that the Internet is involved will actually change threat analysis in any given case, but it does explain why people argue that the Internet might be a game changer with threat analysis.”
Some free speech experts say that the fact that White and Turner made many of their statements online may not matter to the court one way or the other. “Internet speech is really no different than any other kind of speech,” Rosenthal said. “The courts have tried to adopt an approach that is medium-neutral. The First Amendment rules don’t change based on the medium that is used to engage in the communication, so your First Amendment rights shouldn’t change.”
Among the first cases to address Internet speech was Planned Parenthood of Columbia/Willamette Inc. v. American Coalition of Life Activists, a civil lawsuit brought by Planned Parenthood and several abortion doctors against some of the nations most hard-line anti-abortion activists and groups. A central issue in the suit was the legality of the “Nuremburg Files,” an online listing of abortion providers and other supporters of abortion rights, with lines through the names of those who’d been murdered and the names of those who’d been wounded in gray. There were no explicit calls to violence on the website, but a federal jury decided in 1999 that the list constituted a true threat and awarded $107 million to the plaintiffs. The verdict was overturned by a panel of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, but later affirmed by the full court. “The decision held that a reasonable jury could find Internet speech to be threatening — and thus unprotected by the First Amendment — based on the events and facts surrounding the defendant’s speech together with its express language,” said Helen Norton, a professor at the University of Colorado Law School.
Like the Nuremburg Files, the Turner and White cases also could have an indelible impact on true-threat jurisprudence, said David Hudson, a scholar at Vanderbilt University’s First Amendment Center. “True threat law is very muddled and lower courts don’t apply the same legal tests to determine what exactly is a true threat,” he wrote in an E-mail. “I think these cases — if they go up in the court system — have the potential to be precedent setting.”
email: family.of.hal.turner@gmail.com
Okay, so he’s one of the “sexiest men alive” — but what does Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. Attorney in Chicago and Special Counsel in the CIA leak case, have against us poor, unsexy journalists? It’s bad enough that Fitzie won’t answer my questions: (“Rory. I just wanted to get back to you and let you know that I am going to decline to be interviewed. Thank you. Pat”) It’s worse that he was responsible for the jailing of New York Times reporter Judith Miller, who spent 85 days behind bars. Now comes word that Fitzgerald, who must have too much time on his hands now that Scooter Libby has been freed and Rod Blagojevich indicted, spent much of the last year and a half going after another journalist, Peter Lance, in an attempt to kill a new edition of Lance’s investigative book Triple Cross by threatening to sue both the author and his publisher for libel.
Originally published in November 2006 by Regan Books, a division of HarperCollins, Triple Cross uncovers the story of how Al Qaeda master spy Ali Mohamed infiltrated U.S. intelligence in the years leading up to 9/11 – “and how the FBI’s elite bin Laden squad failed to stop him.” Among the radicals trained by Ali Mohamed –and photographed by the FBI in 1989 — one would go on to kill Rabbi Meier Kahane in 1990; three were convicted in the World Trade Center bombing in 1994; and two (including Kahane’s killer) were later convicted by then-Assistant U.S. Attorney Fitzgerald in 1995 in what became known as the “Day of Terror” plot to blow up the bridges and tunnels into Manhattan. The book also details how the FBI and the U.S. Attorney’s offices in New York prosecuted terrorists before 9/11, including “Blind Sheik” Omar Abdel Rahman, who infamously tried to blow up the World Trade Center, and others who bombed US embassies in Africa. And Lance alleges that Fitzgerald, when he was an assistant U.S. attorney in the 1990s, discounted information that may have revealed the existence of an Al Qaeda cell in New York years prior to September 11, 2001.
Fitzgerald’s stab at censorship is especially chilling coming from such a powerful prosecutor. But the lawman says he has no choice, since the book, which focuses on cases Fitzgerald prosecuted as Chief of Organized Crime and Terrorism in the Southern District of New York, is “a deliberate lie masquerading as the truth” and maintains that “it defames me or casts me in a false light,” as he said in one of four threatening letters sent to Lance’s publisher.
Although he wouldn’t speak to me, Fitzgerald did tell the Associated Press that the charges in Triple Cross far surpass normal criticism, which “goes with the territory” for public figures such as United States Attorneys. “This is different,” Fitzgerald contended. “The book lied about the facts and alleged that I deliberately misled the courts and the public in ways that in part caused the deaths in the 1998 embassy bombing attacks and in the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001.” Fitzgerald told the AP he decided to protest because “it is outrageous to falsely accuse me of causing those deaths corruptly.”
Although undoubtedly a public figure, Fitzgerald has been waging a private jihad to get Lance’s book killed. He has written repeatedly to HarperCollins — owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp. — demanding it “cease publication” and “withdraw” copies of Triple Cross, which was originally published in hard cover in 2006. His first letter to the publisher alleged that “Triple Cross makes a number of statements of fact which defame me (and others) and which are easily proven to be objectively false.” He asked the publisher to stop selling all hard cover copies, not to print a new paperback edition, and to acknowledge errors. His most recent letter arrived June 2. “To put it plain and simple,” Fitzgerald wrote, “if in fact you publish the book this month and it defames me or casts me in a false light, HarperCollins will be sued.”
The letters — one of which was sent via fax from the U.S. Attorney’s Office — are unusual to say the least. “We certainly find it highly offensive that a federal prosecutor would do something like this,” Gregg Leslie of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press told Newsweek.
But Fitzgerald is resolute, charging that Lance’s claims in Triple Cross are “outrageously dishonest” and that Lance “alleged that I deliberately misled courts and the public” in ways that led to the 9/11 attacks. The book most notably accuses Fitzgerald of botching the handling of a key FBI informant who doubled as a Qaeda spy, and also suggests the prosecutor filed a false affidavit, perhaps to cover up the relationship between an FBI agent and a leading mob figure.
Lance responds by asserting that Fitzgerald is trying to “kill” his book with “baseless” allegations. “Patrick Fitzgerald accuses me of making charges in the book that I never made,” he says. “At the same time, he continually fails to respond to the substantive allegations documented in 604 pages, 1,425 end notes and 32 pages of documentary appendices.”
Ironically, Fitzgerald’s latest and most surprising assault on the Fourth Estate may also be the best thing that ever happened to Lance and Triple Cross. “That’s the ultimate irony,” Lance admits. “The book wasn’t reviewed by a single U.S. publication. If Fitzgerald never did anything, it would have just faded into obscurity… this is the true lesson of censorship.”
The new edition of Triple Cross will appear June 16 — complete with a new introduction that’s describes Fitzgerald’s attempts at censorship. In the meantime, Lance is on the offensive, alerting fellow journalists, giving interviews, and readying a press conference at the National Press Club on his pub date for a full blown discussion of the Fitzgerald/censorship issue.
Peter Lance’s website: www.peterlance.com
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